|
||
Buffalo Says No to John McSame! End Wars Against Iraq and Afghanistan Now! •Anti War SongAnti - War Movement Stands Firm •Hands Off Iran
|
||
Youth, Women, Workers, Seniors Buffalo Says No to John McSame! Numerous organizations and activists in Buffalo, New York, came together to organize a militant demonstration July 21 at the Albright Knox Art Gallery, denouncing Senator John McSame. The protest confronted Republican presidential candidate John McCain, making a fundraising visit to the city. More than 200 people came out, all chanting, singing and demanding End Wars in Iraq and Afghanistan Now! No War on Iran! Wave after wave of cars honked in support. Demonstrators firmly represented Buffalo’s anti-war stand — we will not support aggression, in Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestine, or Iran. People young and old, experienced activists and youth joining for the first time, those fighting for workers’ rights, student rights, political, religious and peace groups — all lined Elmwood Avenue and said No Wars! No McSame! People demonstrated for well more than an hour while awaiting to boo and denounce McSame. Then they stayed for two more hours to let him know at his departure that Buffalo says No! to aggresive war. All U.S. Troops Home Now! The youth shined at the moment of McSame’s arrival, invigorating and sustaining the chorus of boos and chants: End the Wars Now! No to McSame! McSame Go Home! The youth made up about half the protestors and repeatedly expressed their anger and rejection of a system that keeps them impoverished and offers them only military service in illegal wars. Youth adamantly refused serving in aggressive wars and repeatedly voiced their determination to win change that favors the people. For about three hours, demonstrators kept up a vigorous protest, with loud chants of resistance and songs that uplifted the spirits of fellow demonstrators and informed people walking past the rally. U.S. wars are terrorism! We say No! One, We Are the People, Two, A little bit Louder, Three, We Want Iraq War Ended Now! was heard from blocks away. Positioned at a stop light, the protestors succeeded in having motorists and bus drivers honk, give raised-fist salutes, and take leaflets. Using the bullhorn, youth also provided information to assist people in learning about McSame and the importance of rejecting the U.S. path of aggression. No to Imperialism! No to torture! called the youth. McCain came to Buffalo, and in the fashion of Republicans and Democrats alike, used it as an ATM machine. He did not speak with the public or the media and instead organized to raise $1 million in a short few hours visit. Protestors made clear that Buffalo’s Republican elite did not represent the city. Protestershad earlier also organized actions at the home of a Republican fundraiser, where the minimum cost to participate was $10,000. Showing their disdain for the politics of the rich, Buffalo’s elite were also booed as they arrived at the Albright Knox, where costs were $1000-$5000 a plate. While there was a sizeable police presence, the police stayed away from verbal and physical altercations with the demonstrators. At one moment while the protesters were singing the anti-war song (see below) several police were seen clapping their hands and swaying back in forth. By emphasizing their stand of No to McSame, demonstrators made clear the absurdity of reelecting George Bush through John McSame. Others brought out that they are on alert for the Democrats to also implement McSame and the need for the people themselves to organize based on their agenda of rejecting aggressive war and defending rights. Homeland Security, turn your weapons around! expressed the rejection of the government repression. End the Occupations from Iraq to Palestine! was among the many chants that echoed throughout the crowd and expressed the common stand with the world’s peoples.One Humanity! One Struggle! expressed the feelings of all. The chanting, singing, beating of drums, red flags, Iraqi and Palestinian flags, all gave the protest its feel of militancy and defiance. Passers-by and motorists cheered, honked and made clear that the demonstrators represented the city and its firm stand: End the Iraq and Afghanistan Wars Now! No War on Iran! No to McSame!
[TOP] McSame Was Not Main News — A review of the monopoly media coverage of the successful anti-war demonstration in Buffalo, New York, July 21, shows the orientation of the monopoly media to favor the rich and misrepresent the people and their fight for change. Organizers of the event informed the media, provided press releases, were available for interviews. At the action, the media was present and had ample opportunity to represent the action, particularly its significance as representing the stand of the city against war. Instead, the reports all gave emphasis to Senator John McCain — arriving on his plane, waving from his car, etc. Not a single headline was about the demonstration, even though it is a fact that it was more significant to the people of Buffalo than McCain’s fundraisers. The action represented the people, played an important role in strengthening unity in action among a broad variety of participants, and inspired everyone to step up the work to End the Wars in Iraq and Afghanistan Now! These are all important facts and important accomplishments for the people as we fight together for change that favors the people and thus all of society. The struggle to oppose unjust wars is one of the most important, in Buffalo, nationwide and worldwide. How the anti-war movement is developing, successes it schieves, problem it faces, are all news — yet the monopoly media imposes a wal of silence, or at best, brief glimpses of an action, as occurred in this case. It is because the protest favors the people and has significance that the media belittles it and misrepresents it as insignificant. In this particular case, it was very difficult for them to completely ignore — which is often the case when it comes to demonstrations. So there were a few lines in the press, maybe a minute on one TV station, less on others, with some segments of his visit having no coverage of the action. The large bulk of reporting focused on McCain. No explanation was given as to what makes a fundraiser by McCain more significant than the anti-war movement of the people — it is simply accepted as a given and reporting proceeds from there. The fact is a significant demonstration was successfully organized to oppose McSame and demand an end to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan now and no war on Iran. Certainly, as an action representing the people of Buffalo, as an action where broad mobilization was carried out all over the city, it is news of importance to the people. Nowhere was the organizing work and demonstrationgiven the weight its significance actually had. In addition, the media itself did not denounce the fact that McCain did not speak with them while here — meaning his time was too important to even provide a brief press conference. Most mentioned this fact, but none denounced McCain for it. Why then so much publicity? It is designed to disinform the public. McSame, his using Buffalo as an ATM, is made important. The difficult work of planning, broad political mobilization, banner making and leafleting, organizing together and uniting for the successful action, is made unimportant. The views and analysis of anti-war organizers has almost no place, while McSame waving from a car window does. The orientation toward what represents news for the people is a significant one. The disinformation of the monopoly media is used to impose notions of what is and is not important and who is and is not important. The choices made are not mistakes of the media — they reflect its role in disinforming the public so as to block their fight for progress. As one example, having coverage in the monopoly media is imposed on the movement as a measure of success, and then used against the movement. The event is not successful if it does not get coverage, and the broad audiance of the monopoly media is not informed as to its significance, and often even its existence. All of this is used to discourage and discredit the anti-war movement, at a time when it is strengthening its unity in action and growing better organized and conscious of its responsibilities. This was seen at the action, with the firm stand not only on Iraq, but Afghanistan and Iran as well, and the broad participation, including many youth. More generally, when it comes to the elections, all the focus is on the candidates and their every move. And it is almost entirely limited to the candidates of the Democrats and Republicans. For president, for example, the Green Party had its national convention in Chicago July 10-12, selecting their candidates: Cynthia McKinney for president and Rosa Clemente for vice-president. Both women, one an African American, the other a black Puerto Rican. How is this not news? The Green Party convention and candidates were essentially ignored, especially outside of Chicago. A google search turns up Green Party materials from their website and little else. Why? Who decides that their convention and candidates are not news, while McSame’s visit to Buffalo is? He did not campaign, did not even hold brief meetings with the people of Buffalo. He held two dinners costing a minimum of $1,000 at one and $10,000 at the other. He did raise more than $1 million, which people of the city think would be much better spent in Buffalo. The literally hundreds of millions being spent on the elections are a scandal given the grave crisis facing cities like Buffalo, which has the second highest poverty level nationwide. But the monopoly media remains silent on these matters, diverting attention from actual news and disinforming the public about significant events in the life of the poeple and their struggle for progress. As another example, there is no examination of how and why the current set up marginalizes the people from decision-making. McSame and Barack Obama are both willing to “consult” with the people. But when it comes to deciding the program and policies, deciding to end the wars now, deciding to change the direction of the economy so it serves the needs of the peoples, there is no place for the people and their agenda. When it comes to equal time for all candidates and for the broad movements organizing for change, there is no place. These facts show the damage of disinformation by the monopoly media. The experience of demonstrators in Buffalo, like elsewhere, again emphasized the importance of building and developing our own media that can be counted on to provide people with news and analysis of significance to them and their social movements. Voice of Revolution will continue to strengthen its role in contributing to building such media and contributing to the fight for change that favors the people. We welcome your support.[TOP]
[TOP] July Actions Demand No War on Iran We reprint below some of the numerous rallies, street theater, teach-ins and more organized across the U.S. in July demanding No War on Iran! and denouncing Congress for its crime of promoting aggressive war. Actions also called to End the Wars Against Iraq and Afghanistan Now! Showing the determination of the movement to block war on Iran, yet more actions in more than 60 cities nationwide are planned for August 2. New Hampshire Keene: • Dialogue, Not Bombs: No War on Iran Massachusetts Arlington: Tisbury: New York Brooklyn: New York City: • Petitioning/Peace Voter Registration • Hands off Iran/Voter Registration • Stop War On Iran New Jersey Trenton: Pennsylvania Philadelphia: Wayne: • Peace Vigil Delaware Wilmington: Washington, DC • Peace Action Lobby Day • Protest Christians United for Israel Conference • No War on Iran Virginia Charlottesville: North Carolina Charlotte: Florida Melbourne: • March to Prevent War with Iran Tallahassee: Ohio Cleveland: Columbus: Michigan Ferndale: Illinois Champaign: • Anti-War Demonstration, Country Fair, Champaign Chicago: • No Attack on Iran! Wisconsin Milwaukee: • No War on Iran Congressional Office Lobby March Iowa Waterloo: Missouri Kansas City: Tennessee Nashville: Texas San Antonio: Nevada Reno: Oregon Portland: California Sacramento: San Francisco: San Jose:
[TOP] Iran Isolation Attempts Backfire
Iran’s provocative missile tests ten days ago again fueled the debate on the likelihood of aerial strikes against Iran. Since last week’s thaw, however, an attack on Iran by the end of President Bush’s tenure no longer appears in the offing. Moreover, the narrow, exclusively military focus of the debate misses the broader picture. The overall U.S. strategy of containing Iran has failed in principle. And the attempt to impose a sanctions regime on Iran has led to an erosion of U.S. strategic influence in Asia and the Middle East. Over the long term, Washington’s shortsighted containment policy will only hurt Western business in the region. It will also play into the hands of China, drive crucial allies away, and render Iran untouchable. At the eleventh hour, even the Bush administration seems to have realized, albeit in a limited way, the inherent failure of the containment approach. In an important about-face, the White House not only agreed to direct talks between U.S. and Iranian officials in Geneva this weekend but also held out the prospect of soon opening an American interest section in Tehran. This sea change suggests that the realists around Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Secretary of Defense Robert Gates having finally gained the upper hand over the faction around Vice President Dick Cheney in the intra-administration feud. The reversal also acknowledges that the dual approach of sanctions and military threats have produced nothing but America’s own isolation. The far-reaching repercussions of these counterproductive sanctions against Iran and America’s increasing isolation in Asia are best illustrated by this month’s breakthrough on the Iran-Pakistan-India pipeline. The Iran-Pakistan-India pipeline (IPI) is a $7.5 billion project designed to supply Indian mega-cities with natural gas from Iran’s Persian Gulf fields via a 1,700 miles long pipeline across Pakistan. The project has been repudiated and boycotted by one project partner or the other uncounted times since its conceptualization. But on July 3, Indian Oil Minister Murli Deora affirmed on the sidelines of the World Petroleum Congress in Madrid that India expects to finally sign the deal next month. This long-time-in-coming breakthrough constitutes a crucial step toward energy security for India. For the United States, on the other hand, it deals a resounding blow to the fragile international sanctions front the Bush administration has crafted to contain Iran. What is more, with China keen on joining the project, a new geo-strategic axis — Tehran-Islamabad-New Delhi-Beijing — is about to emerge. This axis will radically reshuffle the power structure in Asia and, with it, the global balance of power. Despite the Cheney faction’s saber-rattling, the Bush administration has banked on economic sanctions strangling investment and beating a technology-dependant Tehran into submission. This strategy of tightening the economic corset choking Iran and thus forcing it to renounce its nuclear ambitions, however, has isolated the United States and its allies more than Iran. For the time being, Washington has succeeded in cajoling French Total SA, Anglo-Dutch Shell, and Spanish Repsol to withdraw their bids to exploit the Iranian South Pars field, the world’s largest gas field, and the EU approved freezing the assets of a major state-owned Iranian retail bank, Bank Melli, last month. But Iran’s countermeasures have been in the works for quite a while. After all, the country has long suffered from the effects of sanctions and the reluctance of Western companies to invest in its energy sector. So it has increasingly looked eastward for new financiers and partners. The most striking example is Iran’s March 24 bid for membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the Central Asian security group dominated by Russia and China. This new “looking east” (negahe be shargh) policy concept is the brainchild of Bangalore-educated, Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki. While an Iranian SCO membership is still in the future, Asian dominance over the Iranian market is a current reality. China already ranks as the number one foreign investor in Iran. Malaysian Petronas and LG Korea feature prominently in the exploitation of South Pars. The new IPI would be a final nail in the coffin of the sanctions regime. The Empire Strikes Back The United States has fought hard against the new pipeline linking Iran, India, and Pakistan. As recently as July 15, Senators Christopher Dodd (D-CT) and Richard Shelby (R-AL) threatened to strengthen the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 that allows for the litigation of foreign firms investing in sanctionable business in Iran — a clear warning signal to India. Meanwhile, since the three countries could not bear the projected costs of $7.5 billion on their own, Washington has also used its considerable influence at the World Bank in the person of former president Paul Wolfowitz. He bluntly informed Pakistan that the bank would not allow any international institution to finance the project. In its attempts to destabilize Iran and disrupt the possible route of the pipeline, the United States is allegedly supporting Jundallah. This militant insurgency in the Iranian Sistan and Baluchistan Province, has suspected links to the Taliban and the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), which has been fighting a guerilla war against the Pakistani army since 2000. This clandestine Baloch connection, recently exposed by Seymour Hersh in The New Yorker, undermines America’s fragile, always-on-the-brink-of-a-coup ally, Pakistan. Washington is also pushing for the alternative of a Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India pipeline (TAPI), the construction bids for which, as a side benefit, would go to U.S. companies. This alternative scheme is strikingly similar to the pipeline deal Unocal struck with the Taliban in 1996. U.S. obstruction is not the only -prob lem facing the IPI project. Iran is asking for a lot of money; India and Pakistan have notorious difficulties cooperating. But this cluster of American threats and coercions proved until recently to be pivotal in preventing the project from getting off the ground. Former Undersecretary of State Nicholas Burns cited preventing IPI as one of his greatest accomplishments at a conference at Harvard University in March. Push Factors India, however, desperately needs energy for its growing economy. And it will risk its relationship with the United States to get this energy. Moreover, its heavily subsidized low gas prices are no longer sustainable, especially now before an election year. After all, with oil around $140 per barrel and a global recession looming on the horizon, the United States no longer has the ability to pressure countries to sever energy ties with Iran, as it did when a fire- breathing John Bolton forced Japan to withdraw its bid to exploit the Iranian Azadegan oil field. It is now every country for itself in the new energy environment. Despite U.S. opposition, then, the IPI pipeline is back on line. The last commercial difficulties between Pakistan and India concerning transit fees have been cleared away, and only minor technical details remain for a trilateral meeting in Tehran scheduled for the coming weeks. If an agreement is reached this summer, construction could commence in 2009 and be completed by 2012. Pakistan is eager to expand its new role as the energy corridor of the future. It expects an annual $600 million in transportation fees from IPI and is vigorously politicking for China to join the project in order to increase those revenues. Until Indian consent was secured, Pakistan used the Chinese wild card as a bargaining tool to force a wavering India’s hand. But now it seems that Islamabad and Tehran can have it both ways. If World Bank financing is off the table, China can step in to foot the bill. Finalization of IPI in the coming weeks would be more than a slap in the face for President Bush. After all, in 2006 he personally fought for a nuclear cooperation pact with India designed to meet India’s energy needs while tying it closer to the United States as a counterweight against a rising China. Now however, not only has the Indian government so far failed to get the pact ratified in the Indian parliament, but India is about to collaborate with China in undermining America’s sanctions on Iran. Pakistan, beefed up with more than $10 billion in military aid by the Bush administration, is also giving the cold shoulder to Washington. And Iran, soon to be the number one energy supplier for East Asia, becomes more untouchable by the day. The Bush administration’s lofty design to keep Iran in the box and use the Indian tiger to tame the Chinese dragon runs the risk of collapsing in the last months of his presidency. In fact, the American sanctions regime is driving Iran into China’s arms and facilitating a Sino-Indian rapprochement. Even worse, America is facing the rise of a new strategic axis in Asia that stretches from Tehran to New Delhi to Beijing, with Islamabad as a central hub, and financed by petrodollars. Then again, the Bush policy, by giving a lift to this new strategic energy alliance, may ultimately strengthen support in Washington for a military strike against Iran: to accomplish what containment failed to do. Hannes Artens is the author of The Writing on the Wall, a political novel cautioning against war with Iran. [TOP] By now the structure of the U.S. game with Iran is clear. In the first move, the United States and Iran make some small progress toward improved relations. In the counter move, hardliners in the United States and Israel launch attacks against Iran in order to sabotage these improving relations. In the latest iteration of this game, the U.S. State Department has made an interesting gambit. It announced that Undersecretary of State William Burns would sit at the table on July 20 as members of the European Union entered into talks with Iran over its nuclear program. At the same time, the United States has been reported to be considering opening a formal American Interests Section in Tehran. These two actions will be the first serious public diplomatic activities between the two nations in nearly three decades. (Three earlier meetings in Baghdad between U.S. Iraqi Envoy Ryan Crocker and Iranian Ambassador to Iraq Hassan Kazemi-Qomi focused on security in Iraq). The counter-moves came fast and furious. First, former UN ambassador and prominent neoconservative John Bolton launched a jeremiad against the U.S. government on July 15 in the Wall Street Journal. Criticizing the administration for failing to act militarily against Iran, Bolton placed his hopes on Israel to carry out the military attack that he fervently desires. “Instead of debating how much longer to continue five years of failed diplomacy, we should be intensively considering what cooperation the U.S. will extend to Israel before, during and after a strike on Iran,” he wrote. Following closely on Bolton’s editorial, The New York Times printed another attack against Iran on Friday, July 18, just one day before the opening of the European talks, by Benny Morris, an historian at Ben-Gurion University. Like Bolton, Morris presents an Iranian nuclear weapons program as an established fact, implies that Iran would make a first-strike attack on Israel, and thus justifies pre-emptive military action on Israel’s part. Both Bolton and Morris base their attacks on false premises. Diplomatic dealings with Iran have, in fact, succeeded on the few occasions they have been tried. There is no proof anywhere that Iran actually has a nuclear weapons program at present, a fact underscored by the National Intelligence Estimate of December 2007. In fact, Iran’s nuclear experiments are still at a primitive level, far from any possibility of manufacturing weapons. Iran has never directly threatened Israel and is not likely considering a first strike against Israel. Such attacks have followed every minuscule improvement in U.S.-Iranian relations during the Bush administration. Every first move in a warming trend — such as Iranian support for the U.S. war against the Taliban in Afghanistan, U.S. aid to Iran during the Bam earthquake in 2003, and Iran’s formal offer to enter into comprehensive negotiations with the United States in 2003 — has been followed by sharp criticism from both inside and outside of the Brush administration. Detractors have countered these advances with accusations of Iranian support for Hezbullah and Hamas, and support for “special groups” attacking U.S. forces in Iraq. True to form, the U.S. military announced the launching of a new crackdown on weapons smuggling from Iran to coincide with the Saturday talks. None of these accusations, along with the Iranian weapons program and plot to launch a first-strike against Israel, has ever been proven. The most memorable of these attacks was the labeling of Iran as part of the “Axis of Evil” in President George Bush’s 2002 State of the Union Address, just as Iran’s military aid to the United States was beginning to create a climate of trust between the two nations. Bolton, Morris, and their ilk may represent the last, weak gasp of the hawks who would embroil the United States and Israel in a disastrous confrontation with Iran. Indeed, for the time being, it seems that cooler heads are prevailing. Though Western commentators described the talks at the one-shot Saturday meeting negatively as a “deadlock,” William Burns’ official presence at the table was an important benchmark. Iran did not accept the Western proposals on the spot, but was given two weeks to respond. The Iranians appeared pleased. Saeed Jalili, Iran’s chief negotiator, called the negotiating process a “very beautiful endeavor.” Despite this progress, the power of the American and Israeli extremists should not be underestimated. They still have the ear of Vice President Dick Cheney and a dwindling coterie of his supporters in the Department of Defense. A group of Israeli politicians, including Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak and Israeli Defense Force Chief of Staff Gaby Ashkenazi, have arrived in Washington, according to Mother Jones magazine, presumably to convince the Bush administration to allow them to carry out their attack. Hostile rhetoric against Iran also plays into the U.S. electoral process. For American politicians, Iran is a universal bogeyman, useful in an election year as a device to show elected officials as tough on foreign miscreants. Indeed, since the Iranian Revolution U.S.- Iranian relations have been a centerpiece in election debates. Conspiracy theorists believe fervently that the Republican Party engineered an “October Surprise” in 1980 with Iranian officials — delaying the release of the American Hostages until after the U.S. Presidential election — and thus denied Jimmy Carter a second term. The purported event, true or not, has supplied a permanent -political term for American elections. In every presidential election since, U.S.-Iranian relations have been featured in presidential debates and campaign ads, with universal negativity toward Iran. This year is no exception with Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, and John McCain all expressing hostile attitudes toward Iran. And this year’s October Surprise is the rumor that the Bush administration will bomb Iran just before the election to give a boost to John McCain. Unless the Israeli hawks get there first. William O. Beeman is professor and chair of the department of anthropology at the University of Minnesota, Minneapolis. He is president of the Middle East Section of the American Anthropological Association.(Reprinted from Foreign Polcy in Focus.)
[TOP]
|
Voice of Revolution USMLO • 3942 N. Central Ave. • Chicago, IL 60634 |