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August 2: The People Say "Stop War on Iran!" •Resolution 362 and the Alarming Escalation of Hostility Toward Iran
No War, No Sanctions, No Blockade Against Iran • |
August 2: From Coast to Coast - and Around the Globe The People Say "Stop War on Iran!" The threat of a U.S./Israeli attack against Iran is growing — but so is grassroots opposition. What we do in the next few days and weeks can make a difference. Just a few weeks ago — on June 12 — the Stop War on Iran Campaign issued an emergency call to action for August 2. Activists are organizing actions in more than 87 cities, including major cities from coast to coast like Los Angeles, New York, Boston, and Washington DC, as well as in smaller towns and cities like Westbrook, Maine; Melbourne and Ocala, Florida; Charlotte, North Carolina; Bozeman, Montana; Salt Lake City, Utah; and Tucson, Arizona. Demonstrations are also planned in Hawai’i and Alaska. There will also be actions in cities across Canada. We have also heard from activists in Australia, China, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Bangladesh and a number of countries in the Middle East, who are mobilizing to support the Emergency Call. The growing number of actions demonstrates the deep opposition to an attack on Iran. We urge you to join us in the streets Saturday, August 2. See end of update for listing of planned actions. If there is not an action near you, mobilize among friends and fellow activists to organize a rally, speakout, or picket. Make your voice heard — Stop War Against Iran! [TOP] US Lawyer Seeks to Sue U.S. Over Iran Threats An American lawyer has offered to represent Iran in an international lawsuit against Israel and his own government in an effort to stop Washington and Tel Aviv from initiating further sanctions against Tehran. Francis A. Boyle says following Washington's latest ultimatum to Tehran to freeze uranium enrichment within two weeks or face further isolation, Iran needs to act quickly. [Boyle is a professor of international law at the University of Illinois College of Law, known for defending rule of law, opposing imprisonment of the Puerto Rican political prisoners, and defending rights internationally.] At weekend talks in Geneva, the United States delivered what it describes as a “clear and simple message” that Iran must choose between cooperation or confrontation. In an email interview with Press TV, Boyle urged Iran to begin drafting lawsuits for presentation to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague before the two-week ultimatum expires. Q. Precisely what would the charges against the US and Israel be? What are you hoping to achieve? A. About two years ago Iran contacted me about a proposal I had made to sue the United States, Israel and the European Union (EU)-3 (Britain, France and Germany) at the International Court of Justice in The Hague for their repeated and public threats to launch a military attack upon Iran over its undoubted right under the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) to engage in nuclear reprocessing. My proposal was that Iran should sue these states immediately, convene an Emergency Hearing by the World Court, and ask the Court to indicate provisional measures of protection on behalf of Iran against the United States, Israel and the EU-3 — basically a temporary restraining order. I felt that these lawsuits would be able to prevent a military attack against Iran and also prevent the imposition of sanctions against Iran by the United Nations Security Council. In addition, by Iran submitting this entire matter to the World Court, it would make it clear to the entire world who the real culprits are here. The threat and use of military force clearly violates Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter. The Charter also mandates the peaceful resolution of international disputes. By filing these lawsuits Iran would prove to the entire world that it intends to resolve this matter peacefully and in accordance with international law. I notice that just this week Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei publicly stated that he would sue the United States if it attacked Iran. I am proposing that we sue the United States immediately in order to prevent any attack upon or blockade of Iran, which would be an act of war. Q. Why are you seeing to bring this action in an international court, rather than a domestic US court? A. This would be a total waste of time. Based upon my prior experience, there is no way a United States court would rule against the United States government on a matter like this. Q. You are proposing to represent Iran in a court action against the US and Israel - what are you seeking from Tehran - what mandate would they need to give you. Basically, how would this work? A. Of course if Iran wants me to represent Iran in these lawsuits I would be happy to do so. But given the fact that I am a US national, Iran might prefer to have its own lawyers file these lawsuits. Iran already has a detailed Memorandum of Law from me on these lawsuits. The Iranian lawyers can simply use my Memorandum as they see fit. I would be happy to assist them in whatever way they desire. Q. The International Criminal Court (ICC) has been in the news recently regarding a prosecution against Sudan's leader, Omar al-Bashir. Explain the difference between the ICJ and the ICC. A. The International Court of Justice deals with disputes between states, which the nuclear reprocessing dispute is all about. The International Criminal Court deals with the personal criminal responsibility of individuals. It has no authority to rule upon or settle disputes between states, which the ICJ can do. Q. The US does not recognize the jurisdiction of the ICC - what is its relationship with the ICJ? A. The ICJ would have jurisdiction to hear lawsuits by Iran against the United States, Israel and the EU-3 irrespective of the ICC. Q. Israel regularly disregards international court verdicts and UN resolutions (the Separation Wall, settlement expansion etc.) What makes you believe there is value in another court action? A. Israel has never been sued at the International Court of Justice -- the Wall was only an Advisory Opinion. By suing the United States and Israel together, Iran would make it very clear to the entire world what is really going on here by putting them in cahoots together. As of now the EU-3 are no longer threatening Iran with military force, so I would hold off from suing them at this time. But if they threaten Iran with military force, or support the United States and Israel with their threats, then of course they should be sued too. Q. Assuming a mandate or commission is given by Tehran for you to represent them, what sort of timeline are we looking at before this goes before a judge, and then a verdict? A. Based upon my prior experience at the World Court, it would take a few days to put the papers together and file them. We could get an Emergency Hearing by the Court within 2 weeks and an Order of Provisional Measures of Protection on behalf of Iran -- a temporary restraining order against the US and Israel -- within a week thereafter. I filed the World Court lawsuit for Bosnia against Serbia over genocide on March 19, 1993, had the emergency hearing by the Court on April 1-2, and won the Order for Bosnia on 8 April 1993. Given the inconclusive results at weekend talks in Geneva and the decision that Iran will be given another two weeks for its final answer, I respectfully submit that Iran should start moving on this process now. The Wall Street Journal has already reported moves for more unilateral, multilateral, and Security Council sanctions against Iran, including a blockade of Iran, which would be an act of war. At a minimum, Iran should draft the Court documents now, then see what happens after Iran presents its "final offer" in two weeks. Q. If you achieve positive verdict, how would you expect the verdict to be worded? Are there any sanctions against a state that does not abide by the ruling? A. I would ask for Iran to be protected from a military attack by the United States and Israel in the most comprehensive language possible, including a blockade of Iran by the United States, a termination of all threats and use of military force, and of all measures of political, diplomatic and economic coercion against Iran. The Order would go to the Security Council for enforcement. If the US should exercise its veto, then we could try to take it to the United Nations General Assembly under the Uniting for Peace Resolution, where we would only need a two-thirds vote. In any event, this World Court Order would make it clear to the entire world who is right and who is wrong in this dispute. Q. You have commented on the levels of rhetoric, what influence could this have on any court action? A. I fully stand for a peaceful resolution of this dispute by means of diplomacy. But if the United States will not engage in good faith negotiations with Iran, then their and Israel's escalating threat and use of military force against Iran will only make it easier for me to win an Order from the World Court protecting Iran from the United States and Israel and, if necessary, the EU-3 Q. Another timeline question. Assuming this court action is aimed at preventing armed conflict, how urgent is it to commence the proceedings? A. Apparently, according to CNN today, Iran has two weeks to prepare its final answer. That would be enough time to prepare all these documents. If the talks break down after Iran submits its "final offer," then we could immediately file the lawsuits, ask for an Emergency Hearing by the World Court, and request the Orders protecting Iran. Back in early 1992, President Bush Sr. had the Sixth Fleet on military maneuvers off the coast of Libya planning for an attack and had US jet fighters penetrating Libyan airspace to provoke an attack over the Lockerbie matter. We filed similar papers with the World Court on behalf of Libya against the United States and the United Kingdom, asking for an Emergency Hearing by the Court. President Bush Sr. then ordered the Sixth Fleet to stand down. There was no military attack against Libya then or later. Those World Court lawsuits eventually led to a peaceful resolution of the Lockerbie dispute between Libya, the United States and the United Kingdom, which now have normal diplomatic relations. Hopefully the same can be done here by means of these World Court lawsuits. Q. During an appearance on Press TV's Middle East Today program in April this year you requested backing from Tehran for a court action against Israel on charges of genocide against Israel. Has there been any movement, any response? What is the current status? A. This proposal is currently pending in the Office of President Ahmadinejad. The suffering of the Palestinians constitutes genocide. I am still willing to file that lawsuit if the President so desires. But given the urgency of the situation, and the threat of a terrible war, it might be best to get these nuclear-related lawsuits against the United States and Israel underway at this time, then act to protect the Palestinians from Israel later. Of course all this is for President Ahmadinejad to decide, not me. Q. You successfully sued Serbia - but in the political atmosphere at the time, Serbia was widely perceived as the "bad guy" and frankly, the pro-Serbia lobby in the United States is insignificant. These cases are rather different, given popular support for Israel in the US. You will be representing what is widely regarded in the US as an unpopular or even hostile government against your own country and Washington's main ally in the Middle East. How concerned are you regarding your professional reputation at home? Potentially, how damaging could this be for you - even with a successful outcome? A. Back in 2004, the FBI/CIA put me on all the US government's so-called "terrorist watch lists" because I refused to become an informant for them on my Arab and Muslim clients, which would have violated their rights under the US Constitution and my ethical obligations as an attorney. So I am sure there will be further repercussions. But under no circumstance do I want to see a war between Iran and the United States, which could readily degenerate into World War III. With all due respect to Iran's leaders, they must not underestimate the ruthlessness and cruelty of President Bush and Vice President Cheney, and their Straussian Neo-Conservative advisors when it comes to their willingness to use military force against Iran. We must do everything in our power to prevent a war and obtain a peaceful resolution of this dispute over nuclear reprocessing that in my opinion can be resolved satisfactorily. These World Court lawsuits will contribute towards a peaceful resolution of this dispute between Iran and the United States, which will then order Israel to stand down. [TOP] Resolution 362 and the Alarming Escalation of Hostility Toward Iran The current tension among political observers as to whether the U.S. and/or Israel will undertake military action against Iran before President Bush leaves office has been greatly intensified by the prospect that Congress will pass a frightening resolution: House Concurrent Resolution (H. Con. R.) 362. [A Concurrent Resolution means the bill has the concurrence, or agreement of the Senate. As of July 18, the resolution has not been passed.] The Demands of H. Con. R. 362 H. Con. R. 362, sponsored by Representative Gary Ackerman, a New York Democrat, calls for the president to enact more draconian economic sanctions against Iran. These include an embargo against any imports of refined petroleum. (While Iran is of course a major exporter of oil, it imports at least 40 percent of its refined petroleum.) The wording of the Resolution is chilling in the extreme: “Congress demands that the President initiate an international effort to immediately and dramatically increase the economic, political and diplomatic pressure on Iran to verifiably suspend its nuclear enrichment activities by prohibiting the export to Iran of all refined petroleum products; imposing stringent inspection requirements on all persons, vehicles, ships, planes, trains, and cargo entering or departing Iran; and prohibiting the international movement of all Iranian officials not involved in negotiating the suspension of Iran’s nuclear program.” The “stringent inspection requirements” listed would require a naval blockade, thereby constituting an act of war. And this is how the resolution would be perceived by virtually all Iranians. The result would surely marginalize moderates in Iran who would shun retaliatory measures against the Bush administration’s aggressive rhetoric, which has been escalating since fall of 2007. Iranians would unify behind their most belligerent leaders and the country would have been handed, by the president and Congress, powerful reasons to develop nuclear weapons for purposes of deterrence. The final clause of the Resolution contains a classic example of political doubletalk: “nothing in this Resolution shall be construed as an authorization of the use of force against Iran.” But an embargo-with-inspections scheme can be put in effect only by means of a blockade, which logically entails the use of force. Congressional Democrats, the IAEA and Factual Falsehoods in H. Con. R 362 There is more support now than there was a year ago in Congress, especially among the Democrats, for military action against Iran. Thus H. Con. R. 362’s co-sponsors include 96 House Democrats and 111 House Republicans. These are the same Democrats that Americans voted into Congress in November 2006 as majorities in both houses, based on what voters believed to be the Democrats’ opposition to war in the Middle East. To add insult to injury, H. Con. R. 362 justifies its content with demonstrably false accusations about Iran’s nuclear program. The Resolution charges that Iran’s importing and manufacturing of centrifuges are “covert” and “illicit.” But under both the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, to which Iran is a signatory, and Iran’s agreements with the U.N.’s nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), these activities are entirely permitted. The IAEA has publicly stated its support of Iran’s uranium enrichment program, which it states is in full accord with all treaty requirements to which Iran is subject. Late last October IAEA chief Mohamed ElBaradei remarked to CNN: “Have we seen Iran having the nuclear material that can be readily used into a weapon? No. Have we seen an active weaponization program? No. I very much have concern building confrontation, because that would lead to a disaster. I see no military solution. The only durable solution is through negotiations and inspections.” ElBaradei’s most recent statements repeatedly echo these October remarks. [He has said he will resign in protest if there is military action against Iran.] The Role of AIPAC That H. Con. R. 362 has been so warmly received on Capitol Hill is a sad testimony to Congress’s willing support of external interests that cannot be assumed to be identical to those of most Americans. The Resolution is known to have been initially drafted by the lobby group American-Israel Public Affairs Committee, AIPAC. In early June AIPAC sent more than a thousand lobbyists to Congress to whip up support for this Resolution. AIPAC’s agenda should not be construed as a response to the wishes of the American Jewish community. Polls show that more than 80 percent of Jewish-Americans oppose an attack on Iran. [BF note: President George W. Bush also recently gave Israel the go ahead to plan for an attack on Iran, and the Israelis recently conducted a test run for such an attack. As well, the military’s Commander of the Joint Chiefs of Staff went to Israel, no doubt in part to finalize plans for a joint U.S./Israeli attack on Iran] H. Con. R 362 and the Pre-Invasion Rhetoric Against Iraq: Preludes to War Reminiscent of Bill Clinton’s decision to impose severe extensive sanctions against Iraq, the White House last October unilaterally imposed harsh economic sanctions against a number of important Iranian institutions. In addition to targeting more than 20 Iranian companies and the country’s three major banks, the sanctions were announced as aimed mainly at Iran’s uniformed security force, the Revolutionary Guard Corps (RGC) — which the Bush administration characterized, with no evidence, as “proliferators of weapons of mass destruction” — and RGC’s Quds Force, which has been branded as a “supporter of terrorism.” These same two accusations were used as pretexts for the invasion of Iraq. Since Quds is part of RGC, and the latter is a state institution, the branding of Quds as a terrorist organization was ipso facto to brand Iran as a terrorist state. […] The demonization of former allies has been common to Washington’s war preparations against both Iraq and Iran. In both cases perhaps the principal objectives have been to shut down the possibilities for a negotiated settlement, and to provide a “legal” framework for war by specifying the pretexts of weapons of mass destruction and terrorism. The Democrats’ overwhelming support for the 2003 invasion of Iraq is well known. Their legislation prior to the October 2007 sanctions is perhaps less well remembered. Shortly before Secretary Condoleezza Rice and Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson announced the October sanctions, the Democratic-led House passed legislation that would impose sanctions on non-U.S. energy companies doing business in Iran. The legislation passed by an overwhelming 397 - 16 vote. Democratic leaders justified this legislation as cutting off funding for Iran’s (entirely legal) nuclear program. But the legislation was surely motivated in large part by the intention to eliminate any competitive advantage that might be enjoyed by competitors of U.S. oil companies, which no longer have access to Iran-based profits. H. Con. R 362 is a major extension of the October sanctions. The latter were intended to deal a damaging blow to Iran’s economy. The RGC is not merely a military institution. It performs a broad range of economic activities. Its engineering unit includes among its major projects a $2 billion contract to develop Iran’s main gas field, a $1.3 billion contract for a new pipeline to Pakistan, the construction of a Tehran metro extension, a high-speed rail link connecting the capital and Isfahan, the expansion of shipping ports and the construction of a major dam. The October sanctions are known to have already had a significant impact on Iran’s economy. H. Con. R. 362 is intended to intensify that damage, to take negotiations off the table, to provoke Iran. Its passage would constitute another giant step toward what Mohamed ElBaradei called “an abyss.” Alan Nasser is professor emeritus of Political Economy at The Evergreen State College in Olympia, Washington. [TOP] Now that Iran has made it crystal clear that even a limited U.S. attack would bring about a massive Iranian response, all military planners now understand that any U.S. military attack will have to be massive. Simply put, the United States does not now have the military capacity in the Middle East to launch such a strike, and any redeployment of U.S. forces into the region could not go undetected, either by Iran, which would in turn redeploy its forces, or the rest of the world. Because a U.S. attack against Iran would have such horrific detrimental impact on the entire world, it is hard to imagine the international community remaining mute as American military might is assembled. Likewise, despite the disposition of Congress to either remain silent on the issue or actively facilitate military action against Iran, it would become increasingly difficult for American lawmakers to ignore the consequences of a military strike on Iran, economically and politically. The same can be said of both major presidential candidates. The decision by Iran to show its hand on how it would respond to any American aggression has cleared the air, so to speak, about what is actually being discussed when one speaks of military action against Iran. In many ways, the Iranian missile tests have made it less likely that there will be a war with Iran, simply because the stakes of any such action are so plainly obvious to all parties involved. Iran continues, based upon all available intelligence information, to pursue a nuclear program, which is exclusively intended for peaceful energy purposes. Any concerns that may exist about the dual-use potential of Iran’s uranium enrichment programs can be mitigated through viable nuclear inspections conducted by the International Atomic Energy Agency. IAEA inspections should be improved upon by getting Iran to go along with an additional inspection protocol, rather than pursuing military action, which will destroy the inspection process and remove the very verification processes which provide the international community with the confidence that Iran is not pursuing a nuclear weapons program. The reality is that Iran’s nuclear program is here to stay. Iran has every right under international law to pursue this program, and regional and global tensions would be greatly reduced (along with the price of oil) if American policies, and in related fashion U.N. Security Council mandates, were adjusted accordingly. Israeli paranoia – derived not so much from any genuine Iranian threat but rather an affront to Israeli nuclear hegemony in the Middle East – must in turn be subdued. This can be done through a mixture of international pressure designed to punish Israel diplomatically and economically for any failure to adhere to international norms when it comes to peaceful coexistence with its neighbors, and international assurances that Israel’s sovereignty and viability as a nation-state will be respected and defended. Of course, there can be no meaningful international pressure brought to bear on Israel without American participation, and herein lies the crux of the problem. Until the U.S. Congress segregates legitimate national security concerns from narrow Israeli-only issues, the pro-Israel lobby will have considerable influence on American national security policy. The American Israel Public Affairs Committee’s (AIPAC) continued push for congressional action concerning the implementation of what is tantamount to a naval blockade of Iran (and as such, an act of war) by pushing H. Con. Res. 362 and S. Res. 580 is mind-boggling given the reality of the situation. Congress must stop talking blockade, and start discussing stability and confidence-building measures. At this point there can no longer be any doubt about the consequences of any U.S. and/or Israeli military action against Iran. Some, including me, have warned of the folly of such action, and now Iran itself has demonstrated why an attack would be insane. I have always pointed out that no plan survives initial contact with the enemy, and furthermore one can never forget that, in war, the enemy gets to vote. On the issue of an American and/or Israeli attack on Iran, the Iranian military has demonstrated exactly how it would cast its vote. Iran recently fired off medium- and long-range missiles and rockets, in a clear demonstration of capability and intent. Shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, regional oil production capability and U.S. military concentrations, along with Israeli cities, would all be subjected to an Iranian military response if Iran was attacked. The Bush administration has shrugged off the Iranian military display as yet another example of how irresponsible the government in Tehran is. But the Pentagon for one has had to sit up and pay attention. For some time now, the admirals commanding the U.S. Fifth Fleet in the Persian Gulf have maintained that they have the ability to keep the Strait of Hormuz open. But the fact is, the only way the United States could guarantee that the strait remained open would be to launch a massive pre-emptive military strike that swept the Iranian coast clear of the deadly surface-to-surface missiles that Iran would use to sink cargo ships in the strategic lane. This strike would involve hundreds of tactical aircraft backed up by limited ground action by Marines and U.S. Special Operations forces which would involve “boots on the ground” for several days, if not weeks. Such a strike is not envisioned in any “limited” military action being planned by the United States. But now that it is clear what the Iranian response would entail, there can no longer be any talk of a “limited” military attack on Iran. The moment the United States makes a move to secure the Strait of Hormuz, Iran could unleash a massive bombardment of the military and industrial facilities of the United States. American military bases in Iraq and Kuwait, large, fixed and well known, would be smothered by rockets and missiles carrying deadly cluster bombs. The damage done would run into the hundreds of millions, if not into billions, of dollars, and hundreds, if not thousands, of U.S. military personnel killed and wounded. To prevent or retard any Iranian missile attack, the United States would have to commit hundreds of combat sorties, combined with Special Operations Forces, to a counter-missile fight which would need to span the considerable depth of the Persian landmass from which missiles might reach potential targets. While there has been some improvement in the U.S. military’s counter-missile capability, one must never forget that in 1991 not a single Iraqi Scud missile was successfully interdicted by any aspect of American military action (airstrike, ground action or antiballistic missile), and in 2003 the U.S. military had mixed results against the far less capable Al-Samoud missiles. Israel was unable to prevent Hezbollah from firing large salvoes of rockets into northern Israel during the summer 2006 conflict. There is no reason for optimism that the U.S. and Israel have suddenly found the solution to the Iranian missile threat. There is virtually no chance the U.S. Navy would be able to prevent Iran from interfering with shipping through the strait. There is every chance the Navy would take significant casualties, in both ships lost and personnel killed or wounded, as it struggled to secure the strait. There would be a need for a significant commitment of ground forces to guarantee safe passage for all shipping, civilian and military alike. The longer ground forces could operate on Iranian soil, the better the chances Iranian missiles would not be able to effectively interdict shipping. Conversely, the longer ground forces operated on Iranian soil, the greater likelihood there would be of decisive ground engagement. With U.S. air power expected to be fully committed to the missile interdiction mission, any large-scale ground engagement would create a situation in which air power would have to be redirected into tactical support, and away from missile interdiction, creating a window of vulnerability which the Iranians would very likely exploit. […] Neither the Israeli nor the American (and for that reason, European and Asian) economy would emerge intact from a U.S. attack on Iran. Oil would almost instantly break the $300-per-barrel mark, and because the resulting conflict would more than likely be longer and more violent than most are predicting, there is a good chance oil would top $500 or even more within days or weeks. Hyperinflation would almost certainly strike every market-based economy, and the markets themselves could collapse under the strain. There has never been a more pressing time than now for Congress to conduct serious hearings on U.S. policy toward Iran. Such hearings must not replicate the rubber-stamp hearings held by the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives in the summer of 2002. Those hearings were simply a facilitating vehicle for war with Iraq. New hearings must expand the body of witnesses beyond administration officials and those who would mirror their policy positions, and include experts and specialists who could articulate a counter point of view, exposing Congress to information and analysis which might prompt a fuller debate. This is the last thing AIPAC and the Bush administration want to see. But it is one thing the American people should be demanding. Scott Ritter was a U.N. weapons inspector in Iraq from 1991 to 1998. He is the author of “Target Iran” (Nation Books, 2007). [TOP] Iran Ready for All Military Possibilities Iran would be ready for all military possibilities including an Israeli attack on the country's nuclear facilities, Iran’s IRNA news agency reported, quoting Parliament Speaker Ali Larijani, June 22. "We are ready for all possibilities but if they (Israel) really planned to take such an unwise action, then they would face much more damage than us," Larijani told IRNA. The New York Times reported June 20 that Israel had conducted a major air force exercise earlier this month that United States officials say appeared to be a rehearsal for a potential attack on Iran's nuclear facilities. Iranian government spokesman Gholam-Hossein Elham on June 21 termed Israel a dangerous regime and said the latest threats against Iran jeopardized global peace. However, he doubted that Israel had the strength to attack Iranian interests. Iranian Defense Minister Mostafa-Mohammad Najar told state television June 22 that the Israeli maneuver was another part of the "psychological war" aimed at intimidating Iran in the dispute over the country's nuclear programs. The minister warned that although Iran was not after any military conflict, if attacked, "the response would have no time and space limitations and would be quite devastating." Iran also said it would not freeze its nuclear energy program involving uranium enrichment. The International Atomic Energy Agency has verified that the program is peaceful, for generating electricity. The IAEA has also confirmed that Iran has no nuclear weapons. The Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) also allows for uranium enrichment and the IAEA has affirmed that Iran is abiding by the NPT requirements. The U.S., however, has consistently refused to meet its duty to disarm its nuclear weapons and reduce its stockpile. The U.S. is demanding that Iran freeze the program and has repeatedly threatened use of military force. The U.S. is also demanding that the United Nations Security Council act to increase sanctions against Iran. In responding to the threat of yet more sanctions, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said to the UN Security Council members, July 23, “If you come forward based on law, justice and logic, the Iranian nation will negotiate on important global issues and will cooperate in solving the problems of humanity.” [TOP] Iran and Weapons of Mass Destruction Iran is not known to possess weapons of mass destruction, and has signed treaties repudiating possession of them, including the Biological Weapons Convention, the Chemical Weapons Convention, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). More than 100,000 Iranian troops and civilians were victims to chemical weapons, supplied by the U.S., during the 1980’s Iran-Iraq War. On ideological grounds, a public and categorical religious decree against the development, production, stockpiling and use of nuclear weapons has been issued by the leader of the Islamic Republic. The November 2007 United States National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) judged that Iran halted an active nuclear weapons program in fall 2003 and that it remained halted as of mid-2007. The estimate further judged that U.S. intelligence did not know whether Iran intended "to develop nuclear weapons," but that "Iran probably would be technically capable of producing enough HEU [highly enriched uranium] for a weapon sometime during the 2010-2015 time frame" if it chose to do so. Iran states its nuclear program is peaceful. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has said he has seen no evidence of any nuclear weapons program in Iran. The head of the IAEA, Mohamed ElBaradei, has stated that he has seen "maybe some studies about possible weaponization," but "no evidence" of "nuclear material that can readily be used in a weapon" or "an active weaponization program," as of October 2007. After the IAEA reported Iran's non-compliance with its NPT safeguards agreement, the United Nations (UN) Security Council demanded that Iran suspend its nuclear enrichment activities, and imposed sanctions against Iran three times when Iran refused to do so. Iran's representative to the UN argued that Iran categorically rejected the development of nuclear weapons and that the sanctions compelled Iran to abandon its rights under the NPT to peaceful nuclear technology. The IAEA has been able to verify the non-diversion of declared nuclear material in Iran, but not the absence of undeclared activities, and has reached an agreement with Iran on the timeline for resolution of all the remaining verification issues specified in an August 2007 work plan. The Non-Aligned Movement has called on both sides to work through the IAEA for a solution. (Source: Wikipedia) [TOP] U.S. Nuclear Weapons Parts Missing, Pentagon Says The U.S. military cannot locate hundreds of sensitive nuclear missile components, according to several government officials familiar with a Pentagon report on nuclear safeguards. Robert Gates, U.S. defense secretary, recently fired both the U.S. Air Force chief of staff and Air Force secretary after an investigation blamed the Air Force for the “inadvertent” shipment of nuclear missile nose cones to Taiwan (though “inadvertently sent, missiles remain in Taiwan). According to previously undisclosed details, the investigation also concluded that the Air Force could not account for many sensitive components previously included in its nuclear inventory. One official said the number of missing components was more than 1,000. The disclosure is the latest embarrassing episode for the Air Force, which last year had to explain how a bomber “mistakenly” carried six nuclear missiles across the U.S. The incidents have raised concerns about U.S. nuclear safeguards as Washington presses other countries to bolster counter-proliferation measures. In announcing the departure of the top air force officials earlier this month, Mr. Gates said Admiral Kirkland Donald, the officer who led the investigation, concluded that both incidents had a "common origin" which was "the gradual erosion of nuclear standards and a lack of effective oversight by Air Force leadership." A senior defense official said the report had "identified issues about record keeping" for sensitive nuclear missile components. But he claimed that there was no suggestion that components had ended up in the hands of countries that should not have received them. But Daryl Kimball, executive director of the Arms Control Association in Washington, said the revelation was "very significant and extremely troubling" because it meant the U.S. could not establish the positive control referred to by Mr. Gates. "It raises a serious question about where else these unaccounted for warhead related parts may have gone," said Mr. Kimball. "I would not be surprised if the recent Taiwan incident is not the only one." A senior military officer said the military leadership, including Admiral Mike Mullen, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, was "deeply troubled" by the findings of the Donald report. He added that they would be paying close attention to recommendations for improving nuclear safeguards that Mr. Gates has asked James Schlesinger, a former defense secretary, to make. (Source: London Financial Times) [TOP] August 2 Actions in More Than 80 Cities: No War, No Sanctions, No Blockade Against Iran
Alaska Fairbanks Arizona Flagstaff Tucson Arkansas Rogers California Fairfield Fresno Los Angeles Long Beach Nipomo Oakland Salinas San Diego San Francisco San Pedro Sherman Oaks Visalia Colorado Denver Ft. Collins Greeley Florida Jacksonville Melbourne Mass March to Stop War On Iran • Saturday August 30, 2008 Miami Naples Ocala St. Petersburg/Tampa Tallahassee Georgia Atlanta Hawai'i Hilo Illinois Chicago Indiana Ft. WaynePeace Rally • Courthouse Green, on Clinton between Main and Berry • Noon Some signs will be provided, and you are encouraged to make your own. We will be furnishing inspirational music. Highland Indianapolis Kentucky Louisville Maine Kennebunk Westbrook Maryland Baltimore Massachusetts Boston Orange Pittsfield Tisbury Springfield Michigan Ann Arbor Detroit Lansing Sault Ste Marie Minnesota Minneapolis Missouri Springfield Montana Bozeman Nevada Reno New Jersey Fort Monmouth Jersey City New Mexico Albuquerque New York Buffalo Hicksville Poughkeepsie Westchester County Woodstock North Carolina Charlotte Raleigh/Durham Demonstration • State Capital building • 2pm North Dakota Bismarck Ohio Cleveland March & Rally: Don't Iraq Iran, Hands Off Iran •Assemble at the Free Stamp, E.9th and Lakeside Ave. across form the Federal Building • 12:30pm • March to Voinovich Park and Rock Hall Of Fame. and North East Ohio Anti War Coalition Columbus Oklahoma Oklahoma City Pennsylvania Philadelphia Lewisburg Wayne Interfaith Peace Meal and unveiling of 1000 origami paper cranes memorializing Hiroshima/Nagasaki Week. • Central Baptist Church, 106 W. Lancaster Avenue • 6:30pm followed by Stop War on Iran rally, intersection Lancaster and Wayne Ave. York Rhode Island Providence South Dakota Rapid City Tennessee Nashville Texas Houston Utah Salt Lake City Speak Out and Public Forum: Stop War On Iran! End! Don't Expand War In The Middle East • Saturday August 2, 2008 • SLC Library Auditorium 210, E. 400 South • 3pm Virginia Virginia Beach Washington State Seattle Spokane Washington, DC Protest at the White House 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue • 3:00-4:30p.m. Informational leafleting and petition gathering stations will be set up at select locations across Washington DC before and after the White House action. Wisconsin Madison Rally • Saturday, August 2 • Across from the YWCA, North Hamilton St. • 9 - 11am Canada Calgary, Alberta Vancouver, British Colombia Sydney, Nova Scotia [TOP] |
Voice of Revolution USMLO • 3942 N. Central Ave. • Chicago, IL 60634 |